Takeaway #4: Life Tenure Must Go
Who wouldn’t want lifetime job security? All federal judges, including Supreme Court Justices, have life tenure because the founders believed it would enable them to function independently, free from worrying about bearing allegiance to the whims of Kings and Parliaments. They assumed life tenure would incentivize justices to administer justice with utmost fairness and impartiality, and without fear or favor. Here’s what they did not assume:
- That justices would stay in office for a generation,[1] or even longer. The rigors of the job[2] and shorter life expectancies resulted in an average tenure of less than eight years for President Washington’s eleven appointees. Today, the overall average is 28 years. Moreover, Presidents today want justices who will stay on the court for decades, far beyond the customary retirement age of 65, to help secure their legacy.[3] Justices now work in one very comfortable building and have loads of perks, including access to excellent health care. Accordingly, vacancies may not open up for many years.[4]
- That political partisanship would play as much of a role as it has in both the selection and confirmation processes. George Washington’s eleven nominees were confirmed with little or no opposition.[5] Political partisanship crept in over time, thanks in large part to the advent of television. Ever since Robert Bork’s contentious rejection in 1987, many Senate confirmation votes have gone almost entirely along party lines.
Then along came the Federalist Society. In all five of the most recent confirmations of Republican-nominated justices, the very partisan and very conservative Federalist Society played the key role. It controls the gateway through which all aspiring Republican candidates to the federal bench must pass. Aspirants must present a portfolio of far-right positions which demonstrate their loyalty to the political ideology of both the Federalist Society and the Republican Party’s far-right fringe. Once nominated, far-right billionaire donors give millions of dollars to fund a PR campaign to secure passage through the Senate. This is unprecedented.[6]
- That life tenure would eventually become a contributing cause of the public’s loss of trust and confidence in the Supreme Court. I’m sure the founders thought just the opposite.
The combination of these three unforeseeable results has today delivered to us a Supreme Court which has both the time and authority to create a great deal of mischief. Since 1969, when the Warren Court became the Berger Court, the Supreme Court has been in the hands of mostly conservative justices due to a widely disproportionate number of vacancies arising during Republican administrations.[7] This despite the fact that, during this same period, the five Democratic presidents and five Republican presidents held office for an equal number of years.[8] Lately, with six very conservative, Republican-appointed justices (known as the Supermajority), the Supreme Court, in the opinion of many constitutional scholars, is disdainfully – some would say recklessly – rewriting constitutional law, a practice once condemned by conservatives as the modus operandi of the left. Moreover, it’s probable that there will not be a vacancy on the court for the next two presidential terms. By 2033, constitutional law textbooks written before the advent of the Roberts Court may become outdated and in need of substantial revision. Constitutional law professors are already confessing to being in a quandary over how to teach the course going forward. In brief, the events of recent history have made life tenure on the Supreme Court an untenable policy.
The Federalist Society and the Roberts Court could not have made a better argument for ending life tenure and imposing term limits. I’m reasonably sure the founders believed that the benefits and advantages of life tenure would attract and retain honorable men (no women were allowed back then), dedicated to the rule of law, who would bring stability to the law as Presidents and Congresses come and go, and that any rotten apples would be expeditiously removed through the impeachment process. Although the idea of life tenure seems anti-democratic on its face, the founders’ intentions were unquestionably anti-royalist. The Supermajority-dominated Roberts Court, however, is now engaged in unprecedented, destabilizing activism on many important issues of the day. In addition, some members of the Supermajority are ignoring ethics rules and violating public disclosure laws, and they are getting away with it because of an almost equally divided and deeply conflicted Congress renders them impeachment-proof.
To add to the problem, America’s presidents and the Senate are not making a genuine, concerted effort to send our best and brightest jurists to the Supreme Court. It’s true that all nine current justices are intellectually and educationally qualified to serve, but America isn’t getting the kind of highest court it deserves. During President Carter’s term, he established a less political, pro-merit selection process for appointing judges. It’s the best idea any president ever had for filling court vacancies. Unfortunately, he never got the chance to use it for appointing an Associate Justice to the Supreme Court.[9] No president since has used the process.
The current political and cultural climate is increasingly giving America a Supreme Court we neither want nor deserve. The solution: it’s time for term limits. I suggest a plan supported by many scholars: an 18-year term limit. Terms would be staggered so that every president will get two picks during a four-year term. No more would the court become some president’s “legacy.” No more would one president get four picks within two years, as did Richard Nixon; and no president would ever be denied the opportunity.[10]
I support a bill entitled Supreme Court Term Limits and Regular Appointments Act of 2021. It establishes staggered, 18-year terms for Supreme Court Justices and limits the Senate’s advice and consent authority in relation to the appointment of Justices.[11] Unfortunately, I don’t believe the bill has ever moved to the floor of either Congressional chamber for a vote. Moreover, if passed, the Supreme Court’s Supermajority, bathed in job security and still hungry to do more mischief, would take a very dim view of the statute.
The Takeaway: America needs a term-limited Supreme Court to restore confidence in both the court itself and the overall stability to the rule of law. But Congress must act to make it happen. Unfortunately, Congress won’t act. Democracy frustrated again. (Sigh)
For an excellent discourse on term limits, I recommend Part III of Prof. Chemerinsky’s The Case Against the Supreme Court.
Coming up next: Takeaway #5: How the Phrase “Supreme Court Ethics” Became an Oxymoron
[1] A generation is generally thought to be 25 to 30 years.
[2] Back then they rode circuit on horseback or by stagecoach.
[3] See my first article in this series. [LINK}
[4] In the last 30 years there have been only eight vacancies on the court. For eleven years (1994 until 2005), the court remained unchanged. That had never happened before.
[5] Before 1916, the Senate never held a public hearing. Many nominees were confirmed within days of nomination; some on the same day they were nominated.
[6] For an excellent analysis of this unforeseen phenomenon in judicial selection and confirmation politics, I recommend The Scheme: How the Right Wing Used Dark Money to Capture the Supreme Court, by Senator Sheldon Whitehouse and Jennifer Mueller.
[7] In that 54-year period 20 justices left the court, and 14 men and 6 women have replaced them. Five new justices were chosen by Democratic presidents and 15 by Republicans.
[8] Some of the credit for the disproportionality goes to Senator Mitch McConnell, who stole two vacancies from Democrats – one from Obama in 2016 and one from Biden in 2020. Without such thefts, we would have a reasonably balanced court today, but instead we gained a far-right Supermajority and lost Roe v. Wade. Thanks, Mitch.
[9] His merit selection process did place future Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg on the District of Columbia Court of Appeals.
[10] Only three presidents never got the opportunity: William Henry Harrison, who died after 30 days in office, Zachary Taylor, who died after 16 months in office, and Jimmy Carter, who served one full term.
[11] Specifically, the bill requires the President to appoint a Supreme Court Justice every two years. If the appointment of a Justice would result in more than nine Justices on the Court, then the nine most junior Justices shall make up the panel of justices exercising judicial power in cases and controversies. Further, any justice who has served a total of 18 years is deemed retired from regular service and may continue to serve as a Senior Justice. Senior Justices may continue to perform judicial duties assigned to them by the Chief Justice. In the event of a vacancy on the court, the Chief Justice must assign the justice most recently designated as a Senior Justice to serve on the court until the appointment of a new Justice. Additionally, the Senate’s advice and consent authority is waived if the Senate does not act within 120 days of a Justice’s nomination (i.e., Sen. McConnell’s delay tactics would end).
I suggest that term limits on the Supreme Court may only be accomplished through a constitutional amendment. It’s not the way I like it, nor is it the way it should be, but as a practical reality, any attempt to vary, amend or affect in any way the so-called “Good Behavior” clause found in Article III, section 1 of the Constitution will be found by this Supreme Court (as currently constituted) to be unconstitutional.
It is this provision that has caused the vast majority of legal “scholars” to conclude that all Supreme Court justices serve for life, no matter how many RVs, school tuitions, loan forgiveness, first or second or third homes, Indonesian vacations, thousand dollar bottles of wine, lawyer and law firm salary kickbacks, etc. the billionaire class supplements their already extravagant lifestyles with.
All of the justices (even the liberals) will suddenly remember to apply their own precedent (U.S. Term Limits v. Thornton) as long as it will serve their purpose. Thomas will pretend he never wrote a dissent in that case, and no one on the Court will recuse themselves even though all have direct, immediate and tangible conflicts of interest and would be adversely affected by any such legislation. They will also forget that they just ignored the plain meaning rule in service of their Machiavellian decision to keep Trump on the ballot in Colorado and magically find the plain meaning rule again.
That’s enough from me for now, with one additional thought. I think the Supreme Court ceased being a legitimate governmental institution long ago. I look forward to your thoughts about my observations.
Steve,
My understanding of how Congress could end run the need for a constitutional amendment is moving the 18-year service members to senior status with certain duties, thereby not losing their status as members of the court. Of course, I doubt whether this or any other Supreme Court would ever uphold it, so, I’m pretty much in your corner that nothing is going to change. I think that’s why the bill isn’t getting much traction.
On the Colorado case, I can understand their position that state officials or state legislatures can’t disqualify a presidential candidate, but after that they went way too far. Do you believe that the court could have found that Trump committed insurrection based on the Colorado Supreme Court’s record and thereby disqualify Trump sua sponte?
Regarding ethics, that’s my next post. Hope you will read it.
According to a 2012 Tenth Circuit opinion written by Gorsuch, a state not only can exclude someone from the ballot for the office of president, he essentially said they must. And yet he was one of the five who “went way too far,” as you politely put it. It was a grotesque and perverse example of judicial activism.
So, Gorsuch ruled one way in that Colorado case involving a man born in Guyana, and the opposite way when the guy Colorado excluded was Trump. I don’t understand their position at all as I think it was not just Machiavellian, it was fraudulent. Here’s a link to the Gorsuch opinion.
https://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/sites/ca10/files/opinions/01018907241.pdf
No one ever called the Supermajority consistent, other than consistently getting the results it wants. Thanks for the contribution, Steve.
By the way, as an expert on ethics and disqualification, what’s your take on McAfee’s ruling on Fani Willis’ disqualification?
Georgia is a strange jurisdiction. But as far as I can tell, this issue is a no brainer. A judge may not disqualify a prosecutor absent a finding of an actual conflict of interest. He found that there was no actual conflict, and with that, the inquiry stops.
He larded up his opinion with claptrap about the appearance of impropriety, which is both irrelevant and ludicrous, and I think he did that so that he could justify all the time he wasted on this utterly ridiculous motion.
When you think about it, what’s the prejudice to the defendants? Two prosecutors were boffing one another. So what? It’s not as though James Mason paid Charlotte Rampling to seduce Paul Newman in “The Verdict.” Fani Willis and Nathan Wade were single and on the same side. What’s the conflict?
I’ve advised judges many times to avoid getting embroiled in these invented allegations, and to tell the lawyers not to count on the judge as a substitute for filing a grievance for conduct alleged to be unethical. “Go to the Bar,” I told them to advise the lawyers, “Don’t expect me to referee your personal dispute with your opponent.”
What’s next on the agenda? Is the judge now going to demand of the prosecutors a list of all the people who work in the office to find out what the nature is of all their personal and interpersonal relationships? Jesus H. Christ, he’s now not just the presiding judge, but also an HR officer. Embarrassing.
Seems everybody’s trying to throw a bone to both sides, but in the process it turns out they’re using the bone to beat one side over the head. Thanks for the comment Steve. Steve, by the way, helped me in a few cases where parties sought to disqualify me. Turns out he was never wrong.
Thanks, Jim. It really isn’t hard to be correct about the issue of disqualification after reading the entire domain of applicable caselaw or JEAC opinions that control. I know that judges have better things to do than that, so I did it for you, and then wrote a mini-treatise of sorts on the subject for use by all of the attorneys in my office when your colleagues were presented with such questions.
The same dynamic is at play with any other issue for that matter, except in some cases, as the issues become more complicated, the domain can become too large to be of practical use, at which time you can find authority for any proposition that you wish to advance.
A concrete example that readily comes to mind is the application of the Williams Rule in criminal cases. That case was decided in 1959, and it has been cited in innumerable cases since, so many that both the state and the defense can find one to support or deny the application of the rule in any criminal prosecution.
I was assisting Judge Reese with just such a question in a murder prosecution once, and it looked to me like a 50-50 proposition, because both sides could find controlling caselaw to support their positions. It’s then that I got the idea to go back to the Williams case itself, and once I reread that foundational authority again, the answer became clear to me, and Judge Reese agreed.